Politai. Vol. 10 Núm. 19 (2019)
URI permanente para esta colecciónhttp://54.81.141.168/handle/123456789/184444
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Ítem Texto completo enlazado Tensiones entre democracia y populismo: una aproximación desde la opinión pública(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019-12-01) Badillo Sarmiento, Reynell; Pérez Jiménez, AlexandraPopulism has been a phenomenon widely studied in Latin America. However, his analysis has been focused on the implications that it has for democracy. In contrast, little inquiry has been conducted about the unknown effects on the democratic conceptions of the population. This research investigates how citizen attitudes are affected in relation to the political system when there is a constant undermining of democratic institutions by populist politicians? In that sense, the cases of Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia are analyzed based on data from the Barometer of the Americas that allow examining the degree of democratic legitimacy in these countries during the governments of Hugo Chavez, Rafael Correa and Evo Morales, who are considered "politicians with populist features". It is concluded that, although the arrival of populist politicians in Latin America during the first decade of the millennium was partly due to a crisis of democratic legitimacy of citizens, it is necessary to take into account that populist political projects failed to develop democratic values in the population. On the contrary, the tendency is usually that support for the political system increases considerably (usually confused with executive support) while political tolerance decreases or remains unstable. While a decrease in the institutional quality of democracy was taking place, the citizenship moved from a democracy at risk (low system support and low political tolerance) to authoritarian stability (high system support and low political tolerance).Ítem Texto completo enlazado El auge de la derecha en la crisis posneoliberal en América Latina: casos Brasil y Argentina(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019-12-01) Tipismana Arriola, José ArturoThis paper focuses on two case studies, Brazil and Argentina, in which, after several years of leftist governments, two right-wing candidates succeeded and became president. These are Jair Bolsonaro, who was a candidate of the Social Liberal Party and is the current president of Brazil; and Mauricio Macri, who won the presidency of Argentina with the right-wing Coalition Cambiemos. Considering the results of the last presidential elections, it seems that in Argentina this right turn could not be sustained over time; meanwhile, in Brazil, the Partido de los Trabajadores achieve a relevant presence in Parliament. This paper concludes that this turn to the right did not happen because it was not a political turn like the pink tide. Three explanatory factors are considered: economic performance, the credibility of leftist leaders and the strength of the right. From there, each case will be thoroughly analyzed, and then compared. The result of this process is the finding of substantial differences, especially regards the economic crisis and the strength of the right. Finally, the reflections regarding the findings sustain that these electoral results only represent the attrition of leftist governments due to the great corruption scandals and the curb economic growth, and not necessarily the beginning of a new era in Latin American politics.Ítem Texto completo enlazado Nacionalismo, intercambio y relaciones internacionales. El caso de la zona fronteriza de Zarumilla(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019-12-01) Pereda Córdova, LorenaNationalisms have been developing since the successive processes of demarcation of territories and the establishment of border points. In the Peruvian-Ecuadorian case, the conflictive resolution of border disputes created strong nationalist feelings - and other milder ones - as well as bilateral, border relations and fluid exchanges in various fields.In that sense, the main objective of this article was to analyze the weight of national feelings in the perceptions of Peruvians towards Ecuadorians in the period 1990-2015. For this, public opinion polls conducted in the mentioned time cut were analyzed. In addition, semi-structured interviews were applied to merchants and professors from the schools of Zarumilla and Aguas Verdes. The analysis showed not only a positive evolution of the perceptions and opinions that Peruvians in the province of Zarumilla have regarding Ecuadorians. It also revealed that, from the shared border context, nationalism is not a significant influence factor in the opinions and perceptions of Peruvians towards Ecuadorians. On the contrary, it is affected, profiled and modified by cross-border interaction. Nationalisms in that border area are not confrontational.Ítem Texto completo enlazado El discurso antifeminista como recurso electoral en Brasil y España(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019-12-01) Castillo Jara, Soledad; Marchena Montalvo, Valerie; Quiliche Arévalo, SandraThis paper focuses on two cases corresponding to parties and candidates situated more to the right than usual and, therefore, described as far right. These cases are Jair Bolsonaro, former candidate of the Social Liberal Party and current president of Brazil after winning in the second round of the general elections of October 7, 2018 with 55.1% of the votes; and Vox, the party which achieved parliamentary representation in Spain for the first time after the general elections of April 28, 2019 and is currently the third parliamentary force with 15, 09 % of the votes and 52 seats.For both, we propose to study the use of anti-feminist political discourse as an electoral tool. In spite of the differences in the electoral systems and in the institutional designs of both countries - one presidential and the other parliamentary - both cases share the fact that the candidates have managed to convince the electors, although in different degrees, appealing to discontent against the progressive ideas and policies of the previous leftist governments, that of the Workers Party (PT) in Brazil and that of the Socialist Party (PSOE) in Spain. Evidently, among these ideas is the struggle for gender equality that is described by the extreme right parties as a "gender ideology." We conclude that, although both use a discourse which is at odds with feminism, the questioning they present does not attack the whole set of ideas of that movement. Instead, it is directed against the most contemporary or post-material ones (such as the quota system or inclusive language), while recognizing and even praising the most classic or material achievements of feminism (such as women's economic independence). Additionally, there is a greater complexity in the debate in Spain, which leads us to think that the questioning raised by Vox may be useful to rethink the progressive ideas and policies of the last governments in a more general way, which transcends the scope of gender.Ítem Texto completo enlazado Causas de la politización reactiva del conservadurismo evangélico en el Perú contemporáneo(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019-12-01) Tello, KevinFor much of the 20th century, Evangelical churches were a religious sector traditionally resistant to political participation. However, nowadays, they participate in public life and are key actors in certain political junctures due to their capacity to convene, mobilize and pressure. Faced with this scenario, this article aims to identify and explain the factors that allow us to understand the reactive politicization of Evangelical churches. For this, in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with key actors and scholars, and different secondary sources were reviewed to trace the process and provide an explanation for this phenomenon. The general hypothesis that guides the analysis is that Evangelical churches gave up to their traditional resistance to political participation and dabbled in politics through social mobilization due to the confluence of three factors: the neopentecostalization of Evangelical churches, the influence of the American Christian Right and the Peruvian state’s responses to the demands of the feminist and LGBT movements.