Politai. Vol. 07 Núm. 12 (2016)

URI permanente para esta colecciónhttp://54.81.141.168/handle/123456789/184437

Tabla de Contenido

  • Presentación Balbuena, Laura; 9-10
  • Editorial Cienfuegos, Lucy; 11-12

  • Artículos
  • Presidentas municipales en México: acoso y violencia política (2010-2016) Barrera Bassols, Dalia; Cárdenas Acosta, Georgina; 15-34
  • Género y violencia política en los gobiernos locales del Altiplano Central mexicano Sam Bautista, María Magdalena; 35-57
  • Los debates sobre la participación de las mujeres en el parlamento brasileño: subrepresentación, la violencia y el acoso Santos, Polianna Pereira dos; Barcelos, Júlia Rocha de; Gresta, Roberta Maia; 59-77
  • Violencia política en las elecciones subnacionales mexicanas. El caso de Chiapas en 2015 Torres Alonso, Eduardo; 79-95
  • Políticas públicas de salud sexual y reproductiva en el Perú: el ingreso de la reglamentación del aborto terapéutico en la agenda política gubernamental Leiva Rioja, Zoila; 97-117

  • Entrevista
  • Entrevista a Rosa Alayza Augusto, María Claudia; Cienfuegos, Lucy; 121-125

  • Observatorio
  • Género y violencia política Politai, Comité Editorial; 129-130
  • Explorar

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    Mostrando 1 - 9 de 9
    • Ítem
      Los debates sobre la participación de las mujeres en el parlamento brasileño: subrepresentación, la violencia y el acoso
      (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2016) Santos, Polianna Pereira dos; Barcelos, Júlia Rocha de; Gresta, Roberta Maia
      Women were one of the last social groups to conquer political rights in contemporary democracies. Although there are no more legal obstacles for female political participation (active and passive), women’s presence in Brazilian parliaments is minimal. In the Lower House of Parliament (Câmara dos Deputados), after 2014 Elections –that is, 19 years after gender quota regulations in Brazil– women still occupy less than 10% of the seats. That being the case, in this brief study, we revisit cultural, social and institutional variables which are commonly presented as a justification for female under-representation in Brazil. Subsequently, we address gender violence situations which took place in Brazil’s Lower House of Parliament, as well as how they were dealt with by this organization. Furthermore, in attempt to better understand the relations between gender, representation, violence and harassment in the political field, questionnaires were sent to representatives in the Lower House of Parliament, where the two paradigmatic cases which are object of this study took place. In this attempt, we also interview the Vice-Governor of a Brazilian state, a woman who can provide the perspective of the executive branch on the matter. The analysis of these results –including the percentage of answers– should allow us to raise a connection between gender violence in politics and female under-representation.
    • Ítem
      Género y violencia política en los gobiernos locales del Altiplano Central mexicano
      (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2016) Sam Bautista, María Magdalena
      In Mexico they are still few studies describing in detail the political violence against women. The aim of this paper is to describe the political violence that have faced síndicas in a State of Central Mexican Altiplano after his rise to office in January 2014. It should be noted that before parity was approved nationally in the selection Candidate / os to elected office, such a mechanism was approved for the election of municipal authorities in Tlaxcala. The agreement by the local election authority that resulted in the 2014-2016 triennium, women were elected in almost all of the receiverships. Of the 60 receiverships in the state, 56 of them were represented by women and 5 men, that is, 91% of this elected office. This circumstance led to changes in the power relationships inside and outside the hall that led to conflicts between the mayor and the ombudswoman, which in several cases were characterized, as noted by the Association of Councillors of Bolivia (ACOBOL) by aggressive behaviors caused physical, psychological or sexual harm against a woman in the exercise of political representation, to prevent and restrict the exercise of his office or induce her to make decisions against its will, its principles and the law. This research describes the strategies followed by the Syndic of Tlaxcala to deal with such behavior. The reflection is done from a gender perspective, ie considering the roles assigned to women generate discrimination and inequalities, which result in differential access to resources, and therefore power. This work was based on several interviews with actors / as relevant (president / is acting municipal and / or were, síndicas, among other) allowing learn about their views, experiences and strategies. I also used the hemerographic review to document the characteristics of the conflict. The findings point to visualize the consequences of questioning the way in which power is exercised in local government, the results of the absence of operational structures for the operation of the law and the need for equal numbers include women in order to build from local democracy.
    • Ítem
      Género y violencia política
      (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2016) Comité editorial de Politai
      No presenta resumen
    • Ítem
      Entrevista a Rosa Alayza
      (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2016) Augusto, María Claudia; Cienfuegos, Lucy
      Entender la política desde los actores, sus formas de organización y las ideas que motivan sus acciones, es una entrada que permite complejizar el estudio del funcionamiento del Estado y su interacción con la sociedad civil. En efecto, lejos de estar aisladas, ambas espacios se complementan de forma permanente. Incorporar esta mirada, no solo en el estudio de los grupos de poder, sino también en los grupos marginales o minoritarios, constituye un aporte importante desde la Ciencia Política.En esta entrevista, Rosa Alayza, recoge esta discusión en relación al caso peruano a partir de su conocimiento y estudio sobre la materia. De un lado, señala los problemas históricos que ha tenido el Estado para responder estas demandas tanto en su estructura como en la reticencia de sus políticos a entablar diálogo con grupos minoritarios, perpetuando su exclusión y limitandosu importancia a la campaña electoral. De otro, destaca los problemas de articulación que presentan estos grupos sociales y sus implicancias para canalizar las demandas.Dentro de este escenario, marcado por la fragmentación, la exclusión y la desconfianza mutua, encontrar espacios que permitan la comunicación fluida entre el Estado y la sociedad, se convierte en una tarea compleja. Más si se considera, que la población tiende a ser homogeneizada por el Estado, dificultando el reconocimiento de su diversidad. Sin embargo, como sugierela conversación, los trabajos desde las Ciencias Sociales y la Ciencia Política pueden constituir una herramienta útil dentro de este escenario. En ese sentido, la Academia, puede contribuir a través del recojo de evidencia valiosa, permitiendo una aproximación a estos grupos dentro de sus particularidades históricas y culturales, es decir, desde su realidad propia.Rosa Alayza es Magíster en Ciencia Política por la New School for Social Research en Nueva York, con estudios de doctorado en Fordham University en Nueva York. Actualmente es profesora del Departamento de Ciencias Sociales de la PUCP.
    • Ítem
      Editorial. Politai; Vol. 7 Núm. 12(2016): Género y violencia política
      (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2016) Cienfuegos, Lucy
      No presenta resumen
    • Ítem
      Políticas públicas de salud sexual y reproductiva en el Perú: el ingreso de la reglamentación del aborto terapéutico en la agenda política gubernamental
      (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2016) Leiva Rioja, Zoila
      The objective of the present article is to analyze the process of introducing the regulation of therapeutic abortion into the peruvian governmental agenda, identifying the factors that came together to generate such event, the period of study being between the years 2005 to 2014. The investigation corroborates that said event was possible due to the confluence of certain political and institutional factors on the national stages, the strategy of groups in favor (pro-choice) and against (pro-life) the regulation, and international influence.
    • Ítem
      Presentación. Politai; Vol. 7 Núm. 12(2016): Género y violencia política
      (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2016) Balbuena, Laura
      No presenta resumen
    • Ítem
      Violencia política en las elecciones subnacionales mexicanas. El caso de Chiapas en 2015
      (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2016) Torres Alonso, Eduardo
      This document presents a revision of the process that has permitted to establish in Mexico the equality in the candidacies for the relative majority principles and proportional representation to the House of Representatives, the Senate of the Republic and local congresses, and it analyses the phenomenon of political violence that some candidacies suffered during the elections on July 20th, 2015, in Chiapas.
    • Ítem
      Presidentas municipales en México: acoso y violencia política (2010-2016)
      (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2016) Barrera Bassols, Dalia; Cárdenas Acosta, Georgina
      This article presents the results of an investigation concerning political harassment and violence towards female mayors in Mexico. It also aims to paint a picture of the social and political background of these phenomena in the context of authoritarian, clientelistic and male chauvinistic politics, which is told through the testimonies of female mayors collected from 1996 until 2009. Violence against mayors of both genders in Mexico starts with the so called war on drugs –a policy adopted in 2006 by the Federal government- which generates denouncements and proposals from political parties and municipalist associations, as well as manifestations of worry of deputies and senators. The climate of generalized violence in the country reached a critical state in January of 2016 with the assassination of the mayor of Temixco –in the state ofMorelos-Gisela Mota Ocampo, the first female mayor to be assasssinated by an armed comando.The present article synthesizes the results of an hemerographic tracing while presenting some of the most representative cases of political harassment and violence against female mayors in Mexico from 2010 until January of 2016, when said assassination took place.