Agenda Internacional
URI permanente para esta comunidadhttp://54.81.141.168/handle/123456789/174837
ISSN: 1027-6750
e-ISSN: 2311-5718
Agenda Internacional es la revista académica del Instituto de Estudios Internacionales (IDEI) de la PUCP que, desde su origen en 1994, tiene como objetivo brindar un aporte multidisciplinario sobre los principales aspectos de la realidad internacional. En tal sentido, son bienvenidas contribuciones desde el mundo del derecho, la ciencia política, las relaciones internacionales, la economía, la historia y otras ramas del conocimiento siempre que brinden un aporte desde una perspectiva internacional. Desde 2005 la revista se publica con una periodicidad anual.
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Ítem Texto completo enlazado De la condena a la cooperación: la evolución de la posición de China hacia las operaciones de mantenimiento de la paz de la ONU(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2023-11-15) Chávez Mazuelos, Jorge AntonioIn its capacity as a great power, China has assumed greater responsibilities regarding the provision of global public goods. Therefore, it has become the UN Security Council’s permanent member which contributes the largest amount of troops to peacekeeping operations. Consequently, China has steadily increased its financial contributions and registered an 8.000 peacekeeping stand-by force. Nonetheless, China’s current leadership in the field of peacekeeping operations differs radically from its initial rejection for missions which it regarded as imperialist instruments destined to undermine the progress of revolutionary movements and weaken the principle of sovereignty. Therefore, in this article, I will explain the evolution of China’s stance toward UN PKOs from an outright rejection to a moderate opposition, and from a limited support to an active participation. Furthermore, I will explain how PKOs enable China to protect its national interests in conflict zones and upgrade its military capabilities through military operations other than war. (MOOTW). Finally, I will explain that this stance is the reflection of evolving national conception roles and of a more ambitious Chinese foreign policy; through which Beijing seeks to strengthen international cooperation, safeguard its interests and nationals overseas, redefine international norms and global governance schemes and reaffirm its great power status.Ítem Texto completo enlazado Tensión creciente y Japón: Asia del Este en la década de 2010(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2021-10-19) Murakami, YusukeThis article analyzes the more and more tense situation in East Asia of the 2010s and Japan’s challenges in the face of this situation. More than thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the order and status quo of the second half of the last century have been strongly destabilized both globally and in various parts of the world. East Asia, where Japan is located, is the region where these global dynamics have been most acutely felt, and in recent years, together with the Middle East, has become a potential «powder keg of the world». Historically, Asia has not reached a level comparable to that of Europe in terms of the institutionalization of regional order among its component countries. The precarious post-war status quo has been profoundly shaken in this century. The inconsistent diplomatic-strategic position of the United States has allowed the expansionism of the emerging China, while South Korea, the bridgehead of the United States’ diplomatic-strategic alliance in the region of post-war, has rather moved closer to China and North Korea. In the face of ever-increasing tension, Japan nowadays more than before face the challenge of breaking the post-war «inertia» to come to define its political role in the region and the world in the search for a new regional order of the middle- and long-term.Ítem Texto completo enlazado La adaptación del Perú ante el ascenso de China a inicios del siglo XXI: entre el pragmatismo y la aquiescencia(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2021-11-16) Ramírez Bullón, Javier ErnestoThis paper seeks to describe and explain the character of Peruvian foreign policy towards China during the early 21st century. From a historical perspective focused on the role of internal factors, the analysis identifies the main governmental and nonstate actors that shape the China-Peru relation in three key dimensions: political/diplomatic, economic/ commercial, and military/strategic. Furthermore, shows how these aspects interrelate each other to shape the structure and the political process behind the adaptation of Peru to the rise of China. The study ends with some final thoughts on the benefits and vulnerabilities of maintaining a pragmatic approach to China. In this sense, the findings recognizes that one of the virtues of pragmatism is the construction of a flexible foreign policy, capable of diversify alliances with multiple great powers. However, the analysis also warns of the need to understand how the national interests of Peru are constructed vis-à-vis China, since the pragmatic proximity can hide an acquiescent international attitude.Ítem Texto completo enlazado El Perú y la República Popular de China: otro puente de entrada a Asia(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. Fondo Editorial, 2003) Berríos Martínez, RubénLa presencia china en el Perú se remonta a mediados del siglo XIX, cuando llegó al país un gran número de chinos para trabajar en las plantaciones azucareras de la costa y las islas de guano (Chang-Rodríguez 1958). Los contactos comerciales en-tre Perú y China se remontan a los acuerdos de amistad de comercio y navegación de 1874. La comunidad china en el Perú tiene más de 150 años y es la más im-portante en América Latina (Connelly y Bustamante 1992). Ella se ha concentrado en el pequei1o comercio y se ha destacado por su empeño empresarial y motiva-ción para el trabajo (Millones 1973). Con el triunfo de la revolución, en 1949 surgió la República Popular China, pero el Perú mantuvo un distanciamiento con esta porque no se atrevía a romper la política impuesta por los Estados Unidos de aislar a China por haberse autodenominado país socialista. Durante la década de los 50 y 60 los contactos económicos entre el Perú y China fueron escasos.Ítem Texto completo enlazado China potencia económica y comercial: una mirada desde el Perú(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. Fondo Editorial, 2015) Fairlie Reinoso, AlanThis paper analyzes the role of China in the current world situation and its position in the global economy. It also describes China’s foreign policy, and its participation in the international forums. The characteristics of the bilateral trade relationship with Peru are examined, and the investments from China are discussed, including the key sectors that involves and itsimplications in national economy.Ítem Texto completo enlazado Los nueve años del TLC Perú – China. Su negociación y sus resultados(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. Fondo Editorial, 2019-10-16) Chan, JulioThe Free Trade Agreement between Peru and China has as characteristics a long process of gestation and a brief process of negotiation. Tariffs benefits agreed allow for the great majority of potential Peruvian exports products to have access to tariffs reductions. On the other hand, almost all Peruvian products sensitive to Chinese competition were excluded from the tariff reduction process or were included with up to 17 years of tariffs reductions. After nine years of entering into force, it is concluded that the agreement has been beneficial for Peru, notwithstanding the essential characteristic of its trade structure: that of being interindustrial.Ítem Texto completo enlazado La política exterior de Estados Unidos en Asia a la deriva: de Barack Obama a Donald Trump(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. Fondo Editorial, 2018-10-10) Murakami, YusukeThis article analyzes the foreign policy of the United States in Asia, where a fragile status quo with the presence of the United States was established, after falling a traditional vertical and hierarchical States system in the nineteenth century and going through the vagaries of conflicts and wars in the first half of the twentieth century. The main focus will be given to the administration of Barak Obama that introduced a major change on the issue, as well as the current administration of Donald Trump with the tendency to return to the isolationism of the United States. In the twentieth century the superpower had a diplomatic-strategic policy of committing itself to the «liberal international order» based on liberal representative democracy and the free market economy, and avoiding the emergence of a hegemonic country in Western Europe and Asia. This policy was based on the bipartisan consensus among the political decision-makers of Washington, D.C. that gave greater importance to WesternEurope. The Obama administration changed this diplomatic-strategic line, and gave priorityto Asia, while its optimism and idealism regarding China’s position, along with other diplomatic-economic considerations, allowed the giant of Asia to take a series of acts that caused the change to the territorial status quo. The new diplomatic-strategic line of Obama did not take root in the United States in the end, and with Trump’s coming to power, United States’ policy in Asia has become more confused and contradictory. Although it has become clear that Trump is not interested in maintaining and promoting the «liberal internationalorder», it is still not known exactly what direction or line the Trump administration will takein relation to the political-strategic agenda of relations with Asia. From Obama to Trump, the policy of the superpower in Asia has been going adrift.