Politai
Permanent URI for this communityhttp://54.81.141.168/handle/123456789/184424
ISSN: 2219-4142
e-ISSN: 2415-2498
Politai: Revista de Ciencia Política es una publicación académica editada por la Asociación Civil Politai, formada por estudiantes y egresados de la especialidad de Ciencia Política y Gobierno de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. Desde su fundación en 2009, la Asociación Civil Politai tiene como objetivo promover la disciplina de la ciencia política en el Perú y América Latina. Desde 2010, publica semestralmente investigaciones y trabajos académicos originales e inéditos a través de los números temáticos de su revista académica.
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Item Metadata only Organizaciones políticas no institucionalizadas y Estado de Derecho en el Perú post-Fujimori: Una propuesta para la investigación(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013) Cameron, Maxwell A.; Sosa Villagarcia, PaoloPolitical science literature has focused itself mostly on the «pro-democracy» role of political parties, identifying them as essential instruments for representation. We agree, but we believe this is not the only aspect to focus on. Democratic parties do not only achieve power through regular elections, but they also aspire to rule within a democratic regime. In that sense, the functioning of political parties can be analyzed not only in terms of their contribution to electoral competition. In order to fulfill their democratic functions, parties need a strong constitutional order that allows them to provide two goods: the achievement of power through legalways and good governance within the Rule of Law.Item Metadata only Ganar, gobernar y perder: Aportes para entender el desempeño electoral de los partidos de gobierno peruanos(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014) Mas Castillo, LuisThe article tries to explain the performance of peruvian incumbent parties in the immediate electoral process after their term. To do this, the limitations of two possible explanations are explored: retrospective voting and party institutionalization. Against this, the article proposes that, to explain the peruvian government parties poor performance, it is necessary to stressed the importance of the party leader and the presidential candidate. These are key factors that can affect the electoral chances of the Peruvian ruling party in a high caudillism.Item Metadata only Reformas políticas y partidos en Colombia: cuando el cambio es la regla(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013) Batlle, Margarita; Puyana, José RicardoThis article analyzes the different electoral reforms that have taken place since 1990 and the changes that have characterized the party system in Colombia, mainly in terms of fragmentation and volatility of preferences, with an emphasis on the competition that takes place at the national level and on the origin and dynamics of the new coalition government established by President Juan Manuel Santos in 2010. In addition, we observe the configuration created by the regional and local elections of October 2011 and we discuss on the relationship between electoral regulations and the post conflict scenary. In particular, we deal with questions about the future of Colombian representative institutions, especially rules that determine access to elected office and a possible political participation of demobilized guerrillas. In that sense, it is argued that while the objectives of previous reforms were to achieve higher levels of governance, this new context may put the discussion on the need to sacrifice governance for achieving greater representation back in the center of the debate.Item Metadata only ¿Todos los ‘hombres’ del Presidente?: Una mirada al Poder Ejecutivo a propósito de los ministros y ministras en el Perú post-Fujimori (2001-2014)(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014) Sosa Villagarcia, PaoloThis paper focuses on ministers as government executives, paying special attention tothe case of Peru after the fall of Alberto Fujimori’s rule. This exploratory perspective seeks to provide a look over the political and technical characteristics of these executive corps in recent governments as well as the variation in their stability. In that sense, the purpose of this paper is (1) to describe their demographic and professional characteristics; and (2) analyze some indicators of ministerial stability and cabinet configuration. For this purpose a database of ministers (1990- 2014) is used, focusing the analysis in democratically elected governments after Fujimori (2001-2014).Item Metadata only La congruencia de los partidos y los sistemas de partidos multinivel en América Latina: conceptualización y evaluación de algunas herramientas de medición(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013) Došek, Tomáš; Freidenberg, FlaviaThe objective of these article is to evaluate different kinds of methodological tools thatmeasure the levels of congruence of the competition within de multi-level party systems, unders- tanding this last one as the levels of similitude that are experimented by the different districts where political parties compete. It starts from the premise that every party system is multi- level because in that system exists competition in different institutional levels (and in different districts simultaneously). The relevance of multi-level appears when national elections and subnational elections dynamics are not necessarily equals, and it is required to overcome the methodological traditional nationalism that it has been experimented until the moment in the research agenda about parties and party systems. The review of the concept of «congruence» is not exhaustive, and it seeks to systematize the contemporary literature to observe de similarities and differences in national and subnational electoral dynamics, and the consequences of the use of each measurement tool for the identified dynamics.Item Metadata only ¿Democracia contra partidos? Desinstitucionalización del sistema de partidos en Colombia(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013) Dargent Bocanegra, Eduardo; Muñoz, PaulaThis article argues that in Colombia, decentralization and electoral reforms adopted in the late 1980s and in the 1991 Constitution – designed to improve democratic quality – brought about a gradual deinstitutionalization of this country’s traditional party system as an unintended consequence. Building upon resource-based theories of party configuration, we contend that in developing countries, where resources are usually crucial for party aggregation, democratizing reforms designed to distribute power and resources in the political system can reduce local candidates’ incentives to join and remain loyal to political parties, particularly when those parties’ reputations are weak. In Colombia, these reforms (i) reduced the power of intermediate-level party leaders over the distribution of selective incentives, making these leaders less important for local politicians, and (ii) gave more political and financial autonomy to local candidates, reducing their need to join parties in order to advance their electoral goals. As a result, party cohesion and discipline become difficult to maintain, and the party system gradually deinstitutionalizes.Item Metadata only Presidentes y partidos en América Latina: la excepcionalidad del peronismo en el contexto latinoamericano(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013) Scherlis, GerardoPolitical parties have ceased fulfilling substantial representative functions. Their legitimacy lies now on their role as governmental agencies. This led to an increasing interpenetration between parties and the states, and to the empowerment of those leaders that occupy executive offices. In the Latin American context these features are particularly intense in the case of ruling parties in countries where traditional parties collapsed or suffered significant brand dilution. In these cases the president controls the ruling party, while the «really existent» party organization is built up on the basis of networks recruited by the elected leader to run the government. The central argument of this article is that Peronism is the sole political force which has managed to adapt successfully to the conditions of electoral competition in contemporary Argentina. The president´s autonomy in terms of public policies´ in relation to a political machine sustained on the basis of the control of sub-national states makes it possible to disentangle the legitimacy of the party from that of its current national leadership. This scheme provides Peronism with a successful self-preservation mechanism, which is exceptional in the Latin American context.