Politai
URI permanente para esta comunidadhttp://54.81.141.168/handle/123456789/184424
ISSN: 2219-4142
e-ISSN: 2415-2498
Politai: Revista de Ciencia Política es una publicación académica editada por la Asociación Civil Politai, formada por estudiantes y egresados de la especialidad de Ciencia Política y Gobierno de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. Desde su fundación en 2009, la Asociación Civil Politai tiene como objetivo promover la disciplina de la ciencia política en el Perú y América Latina. Desde 2010, publica semestralmente investigaciones y trabajos académicos originales e inéditos a través de los números temáticos de su revista académica.
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Ítem Texto completo enlazado Perfiles en delincuencia juvenil: Factores asociados y contrastantes en los tipos de delitos cometidos por adolescentes en conflicto con la ley(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2024-11-29) Benites Guerrero, Sebastián Darío; Zorrilla Vargas, Nataly Vanessa; Tito Santa Cruz, Kerly M."It has been identified that the most frequent crimes among young people in youth centers in Peru are: aggravated robbery, sex crimes, illicit drug trafficking, and homicide. These types of crime are usually studied from associated factors that are similar, incorporating psychological and sociological variables. However, there are nuances and contrasts in the profiles of young people depending on the type of crime recorded. Therefore, this research proposes a comparative analysis of the four types of crimes mentioned. The objective is to show contrast between the profiles of young people according to associated factors and to indicate if any of these acquire greater explanatory force for one crime or another. For this, the research was carried out using a quantitative methodology, analyzing the data provided by the Population Survey of Juvenile Detention Centers during 2022. Logistic regressions were carried out to show the contrast between the types of crime and the associated factors. The results of the research show contrasting profiles according to some key factors. Some of these findings are: the association of criminal gangs with the crime of homicide, factors linked to the biographical history in the childhood stage with the sex crimes, and the influence of peers and educational dropout in the case of aggravated robbery. In the case of adolescents who committed drug trafficking, an exploration of other types of factors is required; those used did not generate a contrasting profile."Ítem Texto completo enlazado “Copiar y Pegar”: La transferencia de políticas y su influencia en la implementación de políticas de Vigilancia Electrónica para personas privadas de libertad en Perú y Colombia(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2024-11-29) Espinoza Prado, Gelin Pilar; Gutiérrez Sánchez, Nicolás; Mena López, Santiago AlonsoThis article analyzes the differences in the design and implementation of electronic personal surveillance (EPS) policies in Peru and Colombia, from their first attempts in 2007 to date. Using a comparative political analysis approach, it explores the factors that explain the gap in outcomes, despite the adoption of similar policies. The article uses the theory of policy transfer as a differentiating element: Colombia implemented its policy progressively, relying on pilot projects and making adjustments to the original design according to the results. Peru, on the other hand, in trying to replicate Colombia's initial success, opted for a national implementation without pilot stages, which resulted in a much more limited impact. This process of design by replication of Colombian legislation and direct implementation would have made it difficult for Peru to address the future obstacles of funding, lack of necessary infrastructure and communication of this prison benefit to key actors. Through comparison, this paper shows that prospective design and implementation and the lack of adaptation to national and local realities were the main obstacles to the successful implementation of an EPS policy in Peru. On the other hand, a progressive, flexible and contextualized implementation, as in the Colombian case, allows for more effective results in the application of public policies, even in contexts of low state capacity. Finally, it is noted that the results in Colombia do not have a sufficiently large impact on its public problem to fully qualify as a “success case” in a broader sense, but they do when compared to the insignificant results in Peru.Ítem Texto completo enlazado Para mis enemigos, la ley: La corrupción como argumento para activar mecanismos de control político en Perú (2016-2020)(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2024-11-29) Carbajal, ÁlvaroCorruption is a phenomenon deeply rooted in Peruvian republican history. Since the viceregal era, corruption scandals in the public apparatus have been recurrent. However, starting in the second half of the 2010s, when the international scandal known as “Lava Jato” was uncovered (from which Peruvian politics could not escape), corruption began to be used as an argument that triggered several presidential crises in Peru. Thus, various political control mechanisms, both in the Executive and the Legislative, were based on the fight against corruption to attack the rival power. In that sense, based on the qualitative analysis of the various documents presented, the arguments from both the Executive and Legislative Branches will be analyzed. These documents will be analyzed from the website of the Congress of the Republic of Peru. Finally, it is observed that corruption was used recurrently as an argument to delegitimize a State power in the midst of the fight between the government and Congress.Ítem Texto completo enlazado Estrategias para el control del dengue en las áreas urbanas de Lima: un estudio de incidencia en Lima Sur y Lima Norte(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2024-09-06) Bocanegra Morales, Cristian Omar; Flores Coapaza, Paul AlexandroThe article examines the issue of dengue within the Peruvian context, with a particular focus on the urban areas of Lima Sur and Lima Norte, regions notable for their high incidence of cases and their significance in the country’s epidemiological landscape. The research employs a mixed methodology, combining quantitative analysis of epidemiological data with qualitative perspectives derived from public health studies. The results reveal a high incidence of dengue in these areas, highlighting the urgent need for more effective measures to control its spread.The study utilizes quantitative data on dengue incidence and prevalence, obtained from health records and epidemiological reports, and conducts a qualitative analysis to identify the environmental, socioeconomic, and health-related factors contributing to the disease’s spread. Factors such as limited access to basic services and environmental conditions conducive to mosquito vector proliferation are emphasized.Additionally, the article proposes the implementation of advanced technologies, such as chatbots, through a strategic approach based on the theory of change. This approach aims not only to mitigate the spread of dengue through early diagnosis and community education but also to improve the quality of life for affected communities. The integration of these technologies is intended to optimize the health system’s response, reduce the burden on traditional medical services, and promote a more effective and sustainable management of the disease.Ítem Texto completo enlazado Inclusión social, ¿nueva fase política en el Perú o eslogan de campaña?(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2011) Patrón Galindo, PedroLa ‘inclusión social’ está de moda, pero ¿qué significa? El concepto es analizado en este artículo a través de los lineamientos del mercadeo político y los postulados de Kenneth Burke, teórico de la retórica. Teniendo como marco la más reciente campaña presidencial en el Perú, el objetivo del presente artículo es analizar hasta qué punto ‘inclusión social’ es un postulado estratégico o algo meramente coyuntural. Para ello, el análisis discursivo considera tanto elementos de la campaña del Partido Nacionalista Peruano (PNP) como promesas políticas del gobierno del presidente Humala, tal como la creación del Ministerio de Desarrollo e Inclusión Social.Ítem Texto completo enlazado Unidos por el disenso, separados por el consenso: la articulación nacional y subnacional en bolivia y perú, 2000-2010(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2017) Vergara, AlbertoDurante la primera década de los años 2000, Bolivia y Perú emprendieron procesos similares de descentralización política hacia un nivel meso de gobierno. Tras haberse realizado tres elecciones en Perú y dos en Bolivia, la capacidad de los partidos políticos nacionales para participar en las elecciones subnacionales difiere sustantivamente en ambos países. El Perú tiende a la fragmentación con partidos nacionales incapaces de participar con éxito en los niveles subnacionales de competencia política, mientras que en Bolivia el Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS)–y, en menor medida, otros partidos– incrementan su capacidad de participar y conseguir victorias en los niveles subnacionales. Este artículo argumenta que la diferencia en el resultado en los dos casos reside en dos variables del lado de la sociedad: el calibre de las ideas políticas en debate y la densidad político-asociativa. La presencia de ambas variables en Bolivia ha sido fundamental para la construcción de partidos nacionales, mientras que su ausencia ha disminuido la posibilidad de que algo similar ocurra en Perú. En términos generales, el artículo busca comprender las condiciones sociales que favorecen la formación de partidos políticos en el contexto de reformas de descentralización.Ítem Texto completo enlazado Constituciones, ciudadanía y población indígena en los Andes, s. XIX: los casos de Bolivia, Ecuador y Perú(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014) Del Águila, AliciaThis article presents a comparative analysis of the development of the citizenship and theright to vote concepts during the XIX century, in Andean countries’ constitutions, specifically in Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru. In a particular way, the question about the inclusion of the indigenous people in Peru and Bolivia was medullary in the constituent discussions, and was resolved in many ways in both countries: in Bolivia, the debate fluctuated around many solutions until the imposition of the decree for the restriction of the right to vote just for literate people on the decade of 1840 (excluding the big indigenous majority), while in Peru, that restriction would not have been implemented until 1896.Debate processes and redefinitions have not existes in Ecuador: since the first constitution, it was established the requirement of knowing read and write to exercise citizenship. The differences between Ecuador and the other two cases is related with socioeconomic and political processes, specifically the regional conflicts that difficult the consolidation of a national unity, and the relation between indigenous and plantations since the beginning of the XIX century in Ecuador. More precisely, this article tries to situate the constitutional and legislative solutions in more wide political debates, as well as the social and economic changes that they have been generating.Ítem Texto completo enlazado ¿Todos los ‘hombres’ del Presidente?: Una mirada al Poder Ejecutivo a propósito de los ministros y ministras en el Perú post-Fujimori (2001-2014)(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014) Sosa Villagarcia, PaoloThis paper focuses on ministers as government executives, paying special attention tothe case of Peru after the fall of Alberto Fujimori’s rule. This exploratory perspective seeks to provide a look over the political and technical characteristics of these executive corps in recent governments as well as the variation in their stability. In that sense, the purpose of this paper is (1) to describe their demographic and professional characteristics; and (2) analyze some indicators of ministerial stability and cabinet configuration. For this purpose a database of ministers (1990- 2014) is used, focusing the analysis in democratically elected governments after Fujimori (2001-2014).Ítem Texto completo enlazado Instituciones y cambio institucional: repensando la maldición de los recursos desde los nuevos institucionalismos y la experiencia peruana(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013) Orihuela, José CarlosThe "resource curse" is a term that refers to a heterogeneous set of theories about why natural resource abundance undermines the path of a political economy. For each type of "curse", we argue that moving from asking "why" to consider "how" and "when" it permits a more refined conceptual and empirical approach to the link between natural resources and social change, be it economic or political development. Specifically, the micro study of actors and institutions in historical context sheds light on areas where aggregate macro statistical study cannot provide. To do this, the critical use of the conceptual frameworks of the new institutionalism in the social sciences enhances the depth of empirical research. The contemporary Peruvian experience shows the variety and variability of economic and political challenges of development based in resources.Ítem Texto completo enlazado Movimientos indígenas amazónicos y acción colectiva en conflictos socioambientales: los casos de la reserva comunal Amarakaeri y la cuenca del Río Curaray(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013) Gamboa Balbín, Aída MercedesThrough the cases of ‘La Reserva ComunalAmarakaeri’ and ‘La Cuenca del Río Curaray’ we argue that the success of indigenous collective action in environmental conflicts generated by the superposition of hydrocarbon blocks on titled indigenous lands and protected areas is defined by1) a regional system more open to the indigenous movement that allows alliances within the regional elite, 2) organizational forms providing specific strategies that integrate dialogue practices and a broad network of partners cohesive to targets, 3) the use of an ideological discourse that uses collective rights and demands for inclusion in order to generate union within the collective and the sensibilization of the authorities. On the other hand, failure is caused by 1) the absence of alliances in the regional elite and the presence of repressive authorities, 2) weak complex organizational forms that use ineffective strategies and models of mobilization without dialogue, 3) a discourse that does not integrates the collective rights with demands for equality, creating fragmentation in the organization and a fragile impact on the authorities.