Politai
URI permanente para esta comunidadhttp://54.81.141.168/handle/123456789/184424
ISSN: 2219-4142
e-ISSN: 2415-2498
Politai: Revista de Ciencia Política es una publicación académica editada por la Asociación Civil Politai, formada por estudiantes y egresados de la especialidad de Ciencia Política y Gobierno de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. Desde su fundación en 2009, la Asociación Civil Politai tiene como objetivo promover la disciplina de la ciencia política en el Perú y América Latina. Desde 2010, publica semestralmente investigaciones y trabajos académicos originales e inéditos a través de los números temáticos de su revista académica.
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Ítem Texto completo enlazado Corrupción y procesos electorales en América Latina(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2024-11-29) Nieto Flores, Nubia ZulmaElectoral processes are one of the most important pillars of democracy. Transparent, fair and representative elections are the basis of the Western democracies. However, holding electoral processes does not necessarily guarantee the establishment and exercise of the democracy. Elections based on intimidation, threats, insecurity, fear, violence, harassment, fraud, vote buying, abuse, manipulation and exploitation of vulnerable conditions are threats to democracy and an expression of the exercise of corruption. Latin America in recent years has been characterized by adopting democratic governments. In recent decades, almost all countries in the region have managed to overthrow authoritarian, military and dictatorial governments. However, the democratic exercise of citizens in local, regional and national elections is often questioned due to the lack of integrity and transparency of the processes. In this context, this article aims to analyze the role of corruption in electoral processes in Latin America in the last decades. The hypothesis that guides this work is based on the assumption that holding elections does not necessarily guarantee the exercise of democracy, since corruption permeates electoral processes. The text uses qualitative and based on data provided by national and international institutions, analysis and case studies, global reports and journalistic notes, as well as historical sources. The text is divided into three sections. The first exposes some basic concepts of electoral democracy and the threat of corruption. The second presents the effects of corruption materialized in electoral fraud, vote buying, disappearance of ballot boxes, manipulation in digital systems, application of Artificial Intelligence, sponsorship of criminal groups towards a certain candidate, use of criminal forces to intimidate, murder, destabilize electoral processes. The third offers some examples of highly questioned electoral processes in Latin America, and finally some conclusions are made, leaving the door open to future studies that can contribute to reduce the risks of corruption in electoral processes in the Latin American region and help mature the young democracy.Ítem Texto completo enlazado Aprendizaje de políticas y COVID-19: La experiencia de vacunación en países latinoamericanos(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2024-09-06) Paz-Gómez, Diana MarcelaThis article analyses policy learning processes in decision-making during the process of vaccination against COVID-19, defined in two phases: vaccine procurement and vaccination campaigns, in Latin American countries. On the one hand, it is argued that some of the strategies implemented are explained through policy diffusion mechanisms. Among these, we can consider the definition of priority population groups or the implementation of doses through COVAX. Other measures derive from the operational capacities previously created by governments, such as the deployment of mobile, cross-border or awareness-raising vaccination and health campaigns to address previous infections in the region. Methodologically, a descriptive review of the COVID-19 vaccine supply chain is proposed based on institutional information. In addition, reflections are made on the need for governments to acquire knowledge from their own or others’ experiences to strengthen the health system in the region.Ítem Texto completo enlazado Decisiones de política pública en una democracia sin partidos: el caso del ‘Soat médico’(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012-11-01) Seijas, Zoila Ponce de LeónEste artículo analiza un tipo particular de toma de decisiones de política pública, el cual se da en contextos de debilidad institucional y partidos políticos que carecen de definiciones programáticas fuertes. Estudiando el caso del ‘Soat Médico’ en el Perú, cuya discusión transcurrió en el 2010, sostenemos que el proceso de toma de decisión se ve definido por dos lógicas contrapuestas. Primero, por la necesidad de los políticos de dar respuesta a presiones de la opinión pública y los medios de comunicación. Segundo, por la necesidad de estos de negociar con otros actores partícipes del debate político, tanto públicos como privados.Ítem Texto completo enlazado Tensiones entre democracia y populismo: una aproximación desde la opinión pública(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019-12-01) Badillo Sarmiento, Reynell; Pérez Jiménez, AlexandraPopulism has been a phenomenon widely studied in Latin America. However, his analysis has been focused on the implications that it has for democracy. In contrast, little inquiry has been conducted about the unknown effects on the democratic conceptions of the population. This research investigates how citizen attitudes are affected in relation to the political system when there is a constant undermining of democratic institutions by populist politicians? In that sense, the cases of Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia are analyzed based on data from the Barometer of the Americas that allow examining the degree of democratic legitimacy in these countries during the governments of Hugo Chavez, Rafael Correa and Evo Morales, who are considered "politicians with populist features". It is concluded that, although the arrival of populist politicians in Latin America during the first decade of the millennium was partly due to a crisis of democratic legitimacy of citizens, it is necessary to take into account that populist political projects failed to develop democratic values in the population. On the contrary, the tendency is usually that support for the political system increases considerably (usually confused with executive support) while political tolerance decreases or remains unstable. While a decrease in the institutional quality of democracy was taking place, the citizenship moved from a democracy at risk (low system support and low political tolerance) to authoritarian stability (high system support and low political tolerance).Ítem Texto completo enlazado Corrupción como problema de acción colectiva: Hacia un enfoque más ajustado para pensar la reforma institucional en América Latina(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2018) Philipps Zeballos, AndyI understand, as Kafka does, that the situation of the bureaucracy of the early twentieth century in Europe in 'The trial’, that corruption has as one of its roots the lack of a sense of community. In this article I propose to overcome the rational choice approach. That way I can combine it with one (that) can understand corruption as collective action. That is why I reflect on the next four key questions to understand this approach: A) what is a collective action problem? this detaches that high levels of trust are significantly related with lower levels of corruption. B) When can we talk about societies where corruption is more the norm than an exception? this deduces that confidence is at stake, specially, in institutions. And c) in which degree the environment determines human behavior in relation with social psychology? Thus, this new paradigm addresses institutions of public administration in the middle of anti-corruption policies and provides us of clues about what characteristics are the ones that matter enough to get more confidence, more cooperation and, finally, less corruption in a state.Ítem Texto completo enlazado Construyendo instituciones sobre cimientos débiles: lecciones desde América Latina(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2017) Levitsky, Steven; Murillo, María VictoriaTomando a América Latina como área de estudio, en el presente trabajo se analizan los patrones de cambio institucional en un entorno institucional débil; es decir, en un contexto en el que las reglas de juego son inestables y/o aplicadas de manera desigual. Tomando como punto de partida el trabajo de Kathleen Thelen y sus colaboradores, sostenemos que el cambio institucional en América Latina rara vez se aproxima a los modelos del llamado equilibrio interrumpido y a los modos de cambio gradual. En su lugar, el cambio usualmente toma la forma de un remplazo o sustitución constante, en el cual las instituciones repetidamente atraviesan una transformación abrupta y total. En la primera parte, el artículo examina las condiciones que conllevan a patrones de remplazo constante; posteriormente, el artículo presta atención a la relación entre el enforcement y el cambio institucional. Se sostiene que el non- enforcement puede ser una fuente importante de estabilidad institucional, y que el aumento o reducción del enforcement puede, en sí mismo, ser un modo importante de cambio institucional.Ítem Texto completo enlazado ¿Democracia contra partidos? Desinstitucionalización del sistema de partidos en Colombia(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013) Dargent Bocanegra, Eduardo; Muñoz, PaulaThis article argues that in Colombia, decentralization and electoral reforms adopted in the late 1980s and in the 1991 Constitution – designed to improve democratic quality – brought about a gradual deinstitutionalization of this country’s traditional party system as an unintended consequence. Building upon resource-based theories of party configuration, we contend that in developing countries, where resources are usually crucial for party aggregation, democratizing reforms designed to distribute power and resources in the political system can reduce local candidates’ incentives to join and remain loyal to political parties, particularly when those parties’ reputations are weak. In Colombia, these reforms (i) reduced the power of intermediate-level party leaders over the distribution of selective incentives, making these leaders less important for local politicians, and (ii) gave more political and financial autonomy to local candidates, reducing their need to join parties in order to advance their electoral goals. As a result, party cohesion and discipline become difficult to maintain, and the party system gradually deinstitutionalizes.Ítem Texto completo enlazado La calidad de la accountability de las democracias latinoamericanas(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2011) Barreda, MikelNo existe consenso general sobre los patrones que pueden ser empleados a la hora de analizar la calidad democrática. Es así que el presente trabajo busca analizar uno de los criterios más destacados que constituye la medición de este concepto, la accountability. Nos enfocamos en los países latinoamericanos debido a los altos niveles de corrupción, abusos de poder y arbitrariedad en las tomas de decisiones que presentan sus gobiernos. Es así que el tema de la accountability constituye uno de los principales desafíos para lograr una mejora de la calidad de la democracia en la región. De esta manera, se busca realizar una operacionalización del concepto de accountability democrática para, a partir del mismo, llevar a cabo un análisis comparativo de dieciocho democracias latinoamericanas.Ítem Texto completo enlazado El accionar geopolítico de Estados Unidos y sus implicancias en la relación con América Latina(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014) Garrido Sánchez, Andrés MartínA lo largo de la historia, las relaciones políticas y económicas entre Estados Unidos y América Latina han tenido diferentes etapas y características. En el siglo XIX, con el interés estadounidense en mantener a las potencias europeas alejadas del continente, se dio inicio a dichas relaciones que evolucionaron hacia el expansionismo y hegemonía, al mismo tiempo que el poder nacional norteamericano crecía. A inicios del siglo XX, su influencia se apreciaba especialmente en áreas más próximas, con enorme impacto en las relaciones con México, Centroamérica y el Caribe, que permanecen como zonas de influencia inmediata. Por décadas, su poder económico y presencia mundial, sumada a factores geopolíticos, han llevado a Estados Unidos a presionar a los países latinoamericanos para que articulen sus intereses con los de su política global.En el marco de los diferentes cambios importantes en la historia de las relaciones internacionales, Estados Unidos, siempre por razones geopolíticas, ha dado mayor prioridad a otras regiones del mundo y ha prestado más atención a América Latina solo cuando ha visto amenazada su estabilidad e influencia en la región. Las actuales relaciones entre América Latina y Estados Unidos serían una muestra de ello; sin embargo, también se presentan como una buena oportunidad para replantearlas a fin de enfrentar desafíos comunes de cara al futuro.Ítem Texto completo enlazado Presidentes y partidos en América Latina: la excepcionalidad del peronismo en el contexto latinoamericano(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013) Scherlis, GerardoPolitical parties have ceased fulfilling substantial representative functions. Their legitimacy lies now on their role as governmental agencies. This led to an increasing interpenetration between parties and the states, and to the empowerment of those leaders that occupy executive offices. In the Latin American context these features are particularly intense in the case of ruling parties in countries where traditional parties collapsed or suffered significant brand dilution. In these cases the president controls the ruling party, while the «really existent» party organization is built up on the basis of networks recruited by the elected leader to run the government. The central argument of this article is that Peronism is the sole political force which has managed to adapt successfully to the conditions of electoral competition in contemporary Argentina. The president´s autonomy in terms of public policies´ in relation to a political machine sustained on the basis of the control of sub-national states makes it possible to disentangle the legitimacy of the party from that of its current national leadership. This scheme provides Peronism with a successful self-preservation mechanism, which is exceptional in the Latin American context.