Politai. Vol. 11 Núm. 20 (2020)
URI permanente para esta colecciónhttp://54.81.141.168/handle/123456789/184445
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Ítem Texto completo enlazado Desigualdad y participación en Chile: ¿Afecta la pobreza multidimensional a la participación electoral?(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2020-08-23) Riquelme Arriagada, AlbertoElectoral participation in Chile as in the world constitutes a broad field of study, however, research that associates poverty with participation in elections has focused only on the one-dimensional measurement of it, without considering its multidimensional conception. Searching to complete that gap is analyzed the communal poverty rates and the presidential elections in Chile carried out by voluntary vote, in order to answer, does multidimensional poverty affect electoral participation? To achieve this, the method of ecological inference is used with which to reach individual conclusions from aggregated information. It is argued that among people in poverty the tendency to abstain is greater than among those who are not in this condition, thus generating unequal electoral participation. The main conclusions are that the participation rates among the poor do not exceed 38.75%, while among the non-poor the tendency to vote is higher.Ítem Texto completo enlazado La pensión como una medida de protección social para reducir la desigualdad. Repensando el sistema peruano(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2020-08-23) Carranza Acevedo, Renata; Romero Herrera, JuliaIn order to fulfill their obligations to guarantee fundamental rights and reduce inequalities States have a series of options; one of them, the implementation of policies aimed at improving the standard of living of their population; that is how the concept of social security gains relevance, but not as a social policy under the charity paradigm but as a state management strategy, under the comprehension that social security is a fundamental right. In that sense, the present article aims to denote that social security regarding pensions has a significant impact on reducing inequality and as a consequence it is necessary to apprehend it as a public protection policy centered on the person for the realization of their rights, with the management and control of the State from the implementation of redistributive measures such as the universalization of non-contributory pensions but hand in hand with policies that aim to reverse the causes of structural inequality that generate the lack of coverage and adequacy around access to pensions for the elderly, on which we will focus, as they are a group in a disadvantaged situation. Therefore, firstly, we will delineate the relationship between pensions as measure of social security and inequality, secondly, we will provide an overview of how the pension system for the elderly is constituted in Peru; finally, we will analyze the current panorama of coverage and sufficiency that result in the (in)satisfaction of the right to social security and in which women are especially relegated, since state interventions have to start from a diagnosis that identifies the main challenges that the pension system will have to deal with.Ítem Texto completo enlazado Democracia: igualdad y libertad como términos de debate en el Chile post estallido social(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2020-08-23) Vera Álvarez, MarceloThe current state of liberal democracies turns the return to normative models of democracy and the analysis of its constituent concepts into an attractive phenomenon for political science. The wave of protests that began in Chile on October 18, 2019 has reactivated the state-market cleavage in the distribution of goods and services. Alongside this, it has rekindled the classic discussion, within political philosophy, between liberty and equality. If the social movement in Chile is equalitarian in character, a group of its opponents criticizes this ideal accusing it of being inmoral and authoritarian. Under their conception of liberty, equality necessarily implies a reduction of it. This article aims to call into question such stance through a critic of the concept of a pure negative liberty and its theorical limitations. It notes that the anti-equalitarian critic is based on conceptions of liberty and equality that ignore the ample family of principles and approaches that address this thematic, reducing it to an oversimplification. By doing so, this article aims to promote a public discussion about liberty and equality as compatible ideals for a full democracy and, especially, for Chile’s case.Ítem Texto completo enlazado La proximidad de los partidos políticos ¿el camino correcto para la participación electoral indígena? Análisis de Monterrey y su área metropolitana(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2020-08-23) Mendoza Ibarra, José FredmanStudies about indigenous political participation become socially relevant at the time of elucidating the problems facing the system of participatory and representative democracy in Mexico and Latin America. Securing the interests and fulfilling the demands of the indigenous population, through the vote, highlights the role of political parties and questions their real functioning in order to provide democratic stability to the political system. In this sense, the link between the indigenous population and political parties becomes essential for democratic development and for the institutionalization of the parties themselves; however, what happens when the indigenous population is in a migratory context such as Monterrey and its metropolitan area in northeast Mexico? How is this link between political parties and indigenous people for the materialization of their demands and democratic stability? Through a qualitative approach using two instruments: semi-standardized interviews and focus groups, tackling the descriptive research hypothesis that stipulated that indigenous electoral clientelism by political parties and indigenous leaders, as well as the limited relationship of the academy and indigenous and pro-indigenous civil society organizations with the indigenous population, it undermines indigenous electoral participation in Monterrey and its metropolitan area. The study shows that the relationship between parties and indigenous people in Monterrey and its metropolitan area is low and, if there is a relationship, it is conditioned to electoral clientelism and ignorance of indigenous political rights. Furthermore, the role of academy and organized civil society is weak in terms of compliance with rights, and the emergence of indigenous leaders who do not have legitimacy in the community turns out to be a threat to democratic consolidation and party institutionalization in Monterrey and its metropolitan area.