Vol. 10 Núm. 18 (2019)
Permanent URI for this collectionhttp://54.81.141.168/handle/123456789/184443
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Item Metadata only Minería ilícita en el Parlamento Peruano: Análisis sobre el impacto del financiamiento de la campaña de Fuerza Popular en las elecciones generales del 2016(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019-10-03) Brou González, Penélope SoleilIllicit activities that collect large amounts of money are linked through lobby, campaing financing, and similar activities, with various state sectors and seem to be left aside when analyzing the impact of money on politics. Following this premise, this research is framed within the studies on the political strategies of illegal mining groups in particular in the Madre de Dios Region. The article intends to carry out an exploratory study on the relationship between illegal and informal mining groups and the political party that obtained parliamentary majority in the 2016 general election, Fuerza Popular, arguing that in a personalistic electoral scenario marked by political parties that far from operating with a fixed programmatic line they do in the form of constellations of interests, the campaign financing allow to form nexuses between the financiers and the political candidates. In the case of the Legislative Branch, once the seats have been obtained, this link has led to the discussion of legislative bill that would benefit the economic interests of the illicit miners, which address issues such as non-formalization or the minimization of condemnation of these groups. Being an activity that, being rooted in our country is connected with other illicit activities such as drug trafficking or human trafficking, it is very important to analyze the link it maintains with peruvian politics to reveal the ways in which these activities remain outside the law.Item Metadata only Reconfiguración del Estado o influencias corruptas?: Un análisis del descalabro judicial del Callao – Perú (2018)(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019-10-03) Guillén Hernández, Renzo AlonsoThis text tries to address the phenomenon of corruption, from the case of the "Cuellos Blancos del Puerto" from a novel approach of state capture that has the purpose of the Co-State Reconfiguration of the State (RCdE), based on structural factors and the specific particularity of the actors in the network and their activities demonstrated in the empirical evidence; In order to sustain this approach, a conceptual analysis of the notions of organized crime as opposed to that of illicit networks is carried out; the one of corrupt influences and capture of the State for which a brief review of the theories that support these phenomena is made. Thus, the text offers a formal response to a phenomenon of which very little is known and even less is analyzed: it is a first approximation, which is expected to generate more complex insights in other investigations.Item Metadata only Más allá de la Captura del Estado: formas híbridas de estatalidad desde el caso subregional del Catatumbo – Colombia(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019-10-03) Ortega Palacio, Henry YesidMultiple studies address the state in Colombia as a special case in Latin America, among many reasons, due to the particular coexistence of a long and apparently stable democracy accompany with prolonged periods of armed violence and regional marginality. For the Colombian case, Luis Jorge Garay has been a key author in the use of the notion of Capture of the State while others, like Fernán González, propose contrary readings that try to approach the question from concepts such as differentiated Presence of the State and hybrid Governance. The present research gathers these discussions, opting preferably for the second author in mention, to give a general perspective of the hybridity and the own forms of governability in regions where the state is, first of all, another player in the constant disputes of power.As a basis for these discussions, the research takes Catatumbo as a case, a region marked by the conflict in northeastern Colombia. There, a current tremble caused by the disarmament of the Farc put in dispute the political orders generated by armed groups - still belligerent - and the civilian population through strong social movements and the State. The findings show the particular ways of power in regions of these characteristics with the possibility of extending these analytical elements to other cases in the country and the rest of Latin America.Item Metadata only Dinero, poder y política: financiamiento electoral como clave en la influencia de Odebrecht en Perú y México(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019-10-03) Martinez Encarnación, KenyiCurrently, Odebrecht is the most emblematic case of corruption in Latin America, involving dozens of politicians, businessmen and public works, including Peru and Mexico. However, the problem is not only about corruption, but it is behind a little known system, where the concern has to do with the "rules of the game" and their "players". Therefore, this article aims to explain why Odebrecht was able to influence Peruvian and Mexican states’ decisions about awarding public contracts. In that line, it is argued that they were for three reasons. First, their timely delivery was attractive to politicians, because they were effective in finishing the works before they finished their term; and, therefore, they can inaugurate them with an additional incentive ("good side of the company"). Second, another factor was its influence on the State, because they created a corruption net with the highest levels of government through electoral financing, bribes, lobbies and local constructions to win tenders ("dark side of the company"). In particular, electoral financing was key, because it creates the basis for later building a dangerous network in order to seek more power in politics through money. Third, a final factor was institutional weakness, because the Brazilian firm took advantage of a context of "tailor" laws that not only avoided audits and accountability, but also facilitated corruption as if they were made to the measures of the "client ". Finally, it explains these three factors from two megaprojects in Peru and Mexico: Metro de Lima Line 1 and Miguel Hidalgo Tula I Refinery.Item Metadata only Una aproximación a la dinámica local en Lima: factores a considerar en el análisis de su situación actual(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019-10-03) Camarena Miranda, JhasminBased on the media exposure of the number of authorities and ex-authorities prosecuted for corruption offenses at the regional and local level in 2014, interest in what was happening at these levels of government was resumed. Against this, the elimination of the possibility of immediate re-election in positions of popular election was taken as a measure. However, the problem around it requires an analysis of the dynamics that exist at these levels to understand what the factors that caused it were. In that sense, this article proposes an approximation to what happened in Lima through the analysis of the conditions in which the district municipalities acquired autonomy.This article identified that the dynamics in Lima - characterized by the transgression of local government entities - has been shaped by institutional weakness, lack of governability and the absence of an institutionalized party system. For local political actors, the district municipalities represented opportunities to concentrate power, because the autonomy they had in their jurisdictions was not controlled by offices with capacity or by an institutionalized party system that prevented its use for particular interests of the incumbent. In addition, they didn't hold accountable, since the voters cared to revert the imbalance between their social demands and the capacity of the government entities to attend them.Item Metadata only Cuando caen los chicos y no los grandes: la corrupción a nivel subnacional en los casos de Callao y Tumbes(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019-10-03) Jaramillo, CristhianBetween 2014 and 2015, 19 of 25 Peruvian regional authorities were being investigated for activities related to corruption. At the end of 2018, 10 of the 19 involved were tried with custodial sentences as a result of their illegal actions. But, despite this apparent effectiveness at the judicial level, certain cases with a significant number of reports and a similar background to those convicted escaped the sentences against them.Thus, the question addressed in this paper is: what variables explain the evasion of effective sentences in processes linked to corruption by subnational governments? The investigation focuses on the figure of the regional governor (formerly regional president), the crimes for which is accused and the judicial outcome between 2015 and 2018. For this, a comparative study of Tumbes and Callao cases was made, which share interesting similarities such as the imputed crimes, lack of a significant budget and the absence of media nationalization during 2014 and later years.The results of the investigation show the presence of two variables: state efficiency and the sophistication of criminal network. The combination of both is what distinguishes judicial differences in both cases, highlighting how can be generalized and analyzed for the creation of policies in favor of the fight against corruption.