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Las bases históricas del «milagro de San Martín»: control territorial y estrategias estatales contra el narcotráfico y subversión (1980-1995)
(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015) Manrique López, Hernán
The present article demonstrates the historical bases previous to the success of alternative development in the region San Martín. It shows that anti-drug policy was unable to successfully function during the 1980s due to an absence of basic security conditions in the region. The ar- ticle’s main objective consists in presenting how the state managed to meet said security condi- tions. Thus, this article is divided into two periods of analysis. First, it focuses on the time period from 1980 to 1989 and shows how generalized state repression resulted counterproductive in the region because of strong subversive forces. Second, it presents the time period from 1989 to 1995 and demonstrates how the exercise of sequential period of focalized repression facilitated an environment to fight against drug trafficking. In this way, the focalized strategy and sequence permitted the state to resume security conditions that in a post-boom and post-conflict situation permitted the implementation of alternative development programs.
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Corrupción, sistemas mediáticos y gobiernos: contextos de acusación y respuestas del poder público en Argentina y Brasil
(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015) Coimbra Mesquita, Nuno; Corrado, Aníbal
This article analyzes the role of political scandals at different times of the government’sactivity, with the intention to verify if news of corruption differs in electoral and non-electoral periods. We try to verify in what contexts Argentinean and Brazilian governments are more permeable to political scandals and respond more actively. We consider the electoral schedule and the type of Presidentialism in Argentina and Brazil. We argue that after an accusation of corruption in media, public officials assess risks in order to consider if their reputation were erode by not facing scandals of corruption. During electoral periods politicians fear of punishment from voters through mechanisms of electoral accountability. Finally we say that the majority Presidentialism is less permeable to allegations that coalition one. To corroborate these hypotheses we investigate responses of governments in Argentina (as a case of majoritarian Presidentialism),and in Brazil (as a case of coalitional Presidentialism).
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¿Cuento contigo? La estabilidad en la gestión de César Álvarez (2006-2013)
(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015) Arévalo León, Rosa
This article analyzes the factors that contributed to Cesar Alvarez’s administration stability as regional president of Ancash during almost two full consecutive terms (2006 – 2013). Thus, the research focuses on the development of clientelistic and patronage networks that strength- ened his ties with citizens, providing him with constant support. Moreover, those practices protected him from any act of fiscalization or investigation. Finally, public spending, largely financed with mining canon, made possible for Alvarez to show himself as an efficient regional president by developing major infrastructure projects in the region.
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Editorial. Politai; Vol. 6 Núm. 11(2015): Ilegalidad e informalidad en América Latina
(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015) Jaramillo, Cristhian
No presenta resumen
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Entrevista a Alberto Vergara: "El Fracaso republicano, tecnocracias y las inexistentes élites regionales en el Perú"
(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015) Gonzales, Sonia; Jaramillo, Cristhian; Romero Castañeda, Joel
No presenta resumen
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Ilegalidad e Informalidad en la política latinoamericana
(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015) Comité editorial de Politai
No presenta resumen
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Javier Duque Daza. 2015. Corrupción, Organizaciones Criminales y Accountability: la apropiación de las regalías petroleras en los Llanos Orientales Programa Editorial Universidad del Valle.
(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015) Sosa Londoño, Yeison
No presenta resumen
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Kurtz, Marcus. 2013. Latin American State Building in Comparative Perspective: Social Foundations of Institutional Order Cambridge University Press.
(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015) Ragas Rojas, Ángel
No presenta resumen
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El limbo democrático: Estado de Derecho, crimen organizado y paramilitarismo en México
(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015) Rodríguez Fuentes, Oscar Daniel
In late 2007, President of Mexico Felipe Calderon Hinojosa implemented a policy of direct confrontation with crime organizations, this decision generated a climate of widespread insecurity and increased high-impact crimes such as arbitrary executions, torture and forced disappearan- ces. In this context of violence some groups of society hired paramilitaries in San Pedro Garza García, Nuevo León and created self-defenses in some cities of Michoacán to protect their rights. This problem exhibited the incapacity of the State to provide public security and the situation of some territories formally under the rule of law but materially controlled by the organized crime.
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Una mirada retrospectiva a la informalidad en Bogotá
(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015) Mendoza, Pilar
Heavy civil riots occurred in Bogota on April 9th, 1948, the day when the popularleader Jorge Eliecer Gaitan was killed. This popular insurrection had deep consequences which reflect to the present-day construction of the city. Crowds of people from the popular districts of the city took part in demonstrations that resulted in the death of about 3,000 people and destroyed parts of the historic center and some symbolic places. Subsequently, the rebellion spread throughout the whole country. After this historic event, which is known as the ‘Bogotazo’, the modernization, which had started beforehand, sped up in a radical way. At the same time, the ingression of new inhabi- tants from the surrounding region increased significantly, resulting in Bogota developing into the metropolis it is today. The poor and working class population started with the invasion and the construction of ‘pirate quarters’ in the southern suburban area and in the eastern hills, while the rich population started moving toward the north of the city. In this way, the suburbs seem to be a projection of the city but in a rather unplanned way, which have mainly been generated by the population itself. In this way we describe the process in which working class people took possession of a large city, and the way in which a city was informally developed, resulting in the creation of suburban quarters.
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Presentación. Politai; Vol. 6 Núm. 11(2015): Ilegalidad e informalidad en América Latina
(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015) López Villanes, Noam
No presenta resumen
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La resistencia del movimiento social indígena colombiano como contrapeso del poder
(Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015) Sánchez Montenegro, Angélica María
In order to speak of indigenous resistance and understand it in the Colombian context, wemust take into account not only the conditions of conflict but also how state power is configured. So, we should address the structural failure of the state and understand how it leads to incomplete state intervention in the whole Colombian territory, which in turn, causes unfulfillment of basic needs and lack of legitimacy in peripheral areas. Due to this failure of the state, indigenous communities native to those areas are forced to meet their needs by means of alternative routes, such as the formation of their own government, which is legitimate and legal on constitutional terms. They are able to do so with support from organizations such as the Regional Indigenous Council of the Cauca (CRIC) or the imposed link with illegal armed groups (imposed because it is not legitimate but a reality close to indigenous communities) who use their coercive force to replace public institutions and provide services such as health, safety and the maintenance of order under their particular logics.Indigenous communities have developed self-government with identity and territoriality, which leads to new forms of organization of power. An example of this is the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca, which represents the interests of all indigenous communities of the Cauca and promotes communication with indigenous people from other areas. This work pays significant attention to the CRIC since it contains characteristics of power such as resistance, discourses of truth and a link with law.